The Road to Serfdom
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- Create Date：2021-09-08 06:53:56
- Update Date：2025-09-06
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- Author：Friedrich A. Hayek
- ISBN：0226320553
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Summary
An unimpeachable classic work in political philosophy， intellectual and cultural history， and economics， The Road to Serfdom has inspired and infuriated politicians， scholars， and general readers for half a century。 Originally published in 1944—when Eleanor Roosevelt supported the efforts of Stalin， and Albert Einstein subscribed lock， stock， and barrel to the socialist program—The Road to Serfdom was seen as heretical for its passionate warning against the dangers of state control over the means of production。 For F。 A。 Hayek， the collectivist idea of empowering government with increasing economic control would lead not to a utopia but to the horrors of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy。
First published by the University of Chicago Press on September 18， 1944， The Road to Serfdom garnered immediate， widespread attention。 The first printing of 2，000 copies was exhausted instantly， and within six months more than 30，000 books were sold。 In April 1945， Reader’s Digest published a condensed version of the book， and soon thereafter the Book-of-the-Month Club distributed this edition to more than 600，000 readers。 A perennial best seller， the book has sold 400，000 copies in the United States alone and has been translated into more than twenty languages， along the way becoming one of the most important and influential books of the century。
With this new edition， The Road to Serfdom takes its place in the series The Collected Works of F。 A。 Hayek。 The volume includes a foreword by series editor and leading Hayek scholar Bruce Caldwell explaining the book's origins and publishing history and assessing common misinterpretations of Hayek's thought。 Caldwell has also standardized and corrected Hayek's references and added helpful new explanatory notes。 Supplemented with an appendix of related materials ranging from prepublication reports on the initial manuscript to forewords to earlier editions by John Chamberlain， Milton Friedman， and Hayek himself， this new edition of The Road to Serfdom will be the definitive version of Hayek's enduring masterwork。
First published by the University of Chicago Press on September 18， 1944， The Road to Serfdom garnered immediate， widespread attention。 The first printing of 2，000 copies was exhausted instantly， and within six months more than 30，000 books were sold。 In April 1945， Reader’s Digest published a condensed version of the book， and soon thereafter the Book-of-the-Month Club distributed this edition to more than 600，000 readers。 A perennial best seller， the book has sold 400，000 copies in the United States alone and has been translated into more than twenty languages， along the way becoming one of the most important and influential books of the century。
With this new edition， The Road to Serfdom takes its place in the series The Collected Works of F。 A。 Hayek。 The volume includes a foreword by series editor and leading Hayek scholar Bruce Caldwell explaining the book's origins and publishing history and assessing common misinterpretations of Hayek's thought。 Caldwell has also standardized and corrected Hayek's references and added helpful new explanatory notes。 Supplemented with an appendix of related materials ranging from prepublication reports on the initial manuscript to forewords to earlier editions by John Chamberlain， Milton Friedman， and Hayek himself， this new edition of The Road to Serfdom will be the definitive version of Hayek's enduring masterwork。
Reviews
André Jan
，
It's hard to say if this aged very well or did not age at all It's hard to say if this aged very well or did not age at all 。。。more
Leslie
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It was hard to believe how incredibly prescient this book is despite being written 70 years ago。 Hayek's central thesis is that when a nation gives up some economic freedom to their government， all other freedoms will soon erode and they will find themselves on a road to serfdom。 Hayek watched Germany walk down this road while growing up in Austria and was perplexed to see that although England and the U。S。 had won WWII， they were adopting many of the same economic policies that allowed the atro It was hard to believe how incredibly prescient this book is despite being written 70 years ago。 Hayek's central thesis is that when a nation gives up some economic freedom to their government， all other freedoms will soon erode and they will find themselves on a road to serfdom。 Hayek watched Germany walk down this road while growing up in Austria and was perplexed to see that although England and the U。S。 had won WWII， they were adopting many of the same economic policies that allowed the atrocities of WWII to take place。 They were beginning a trek down the road to serfdom as well。Hayek is the master of carefully tracing this trajectory。 He knows that many who espouse soft socialism know not where it leads。 He is extremely gracious in addressing those who disagree with him while being relentless in his conclusions。 It's clear that he is a brilliant economist and knew his science well。It is hard for me to imagine how anyone who gives this book a serious read （and who understands it） could afterward walk away with any socialist inclinations。As the forward states， this book was immensely popular for decades after it was published and was responsible for a major resurgence in limited government ideas and economic freedom。 It's time for another generation in the west to give it a read！ 。。。more
Julian Batz
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Hayek's main premise is that collectivist ideologies inevitably lead to totalitarianism。He describes why this occurs theoretically and points to historical examples as added proof。 One of the more controversial claims of the book， that National Socialism （Nazism） arose from collectivist thought and therefore has more in common with classical Socialism then Liberalism， seems self evident to me。 From my own readings of Mein Kampf， and intermediate understanding of Nazi history， it's a completely f Hayek's main premise is that collectivist ideologies inevitably lead to totalitarianism。He describes why this occurs theoretically and points to historical examples as added proof。 One of the more controversial claims of the book， that National Socialism （Nazism） arose from collectivist thought and therefore has more in common with classical Socialism then Liberalism， seems self evident to me。 From my own readings of Mein Kampf， and intermediate understanding of Nazi history， it's a completely fair assertion to make。 Although most people tend to think of Nazism/Fascism to be "far right" and completely antithetical to "far left" Socialism， Hayek explains the fallacy of this conception fairly well。My one critique is that the book is repetitive。 Hayek basically makes the same general arguement Von Mises does in "Liberalism" but does so in many more pages then necessary。 I read chapters 14 through 16 fairly quickly， and didn't give them the same amount of critical thought as the prior ones， simply because I was bored at the end。 。。。more
Xinyi Zhang
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Didn't catch some part of it。 Might revisit sometime later。 Didn't catch some part of it。 Might revisit sometime later。 。。。more
Charlotte Dunn
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Uni reading。I don't think it was worth reading the definitive edition of this as it simply showed Hayek's inability to reference correct pages compared with the interesting extended version of The Communist Manifesto which included a wide array of prefaces and an explanation of why there was no Armenian translation originally。 Uni reading。I don't think it was worth reading the definitive edition of this as it simply showed Hayek's inability to reference correct pages compared with the interesting extended version of The Communist Manifesto which included a wide array of prefaces and an explanation of why there was no Armenian translation originally。 。。。more
Dale El
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Why don't booms like this get into schools？ Why do we have to spend 6 weeks on girl with the pearl earing？ Why don't booms like this get into schools？ Why do we have to spend 6 weeks on girl with the pearl earing？ 。。。more
Abdullah Mohammad
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Read a few parts of this amazing book。 An excellent critique to socialism and communism
Ian Boyd
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Vague， boring， and dated。 His focus is on "planned" socialism which may have been a popular option in pre-WWII Britain; nowadays， however， I think any sane person would advise against it。 Here is his ideas on how the definition of "socialism" has changed since he wrote his book - from the preface to the 1976 edition: "The reader will probably ask whether this means that I am still prepared to defend all the main conclusions of this book， and the answer to this is on the whole affirmative。 The mo Vague， boring， and dated。 His focus is on "planned" socialism which may have been a popular option in pre-WWII Britain; nowadays， however， I think any sane person would advise against it。 Here is his ideas on how the definition of "socialism" has changed since he wrote his book - from the preface to the 1976 edition: "The reader will probably ask whether this means that I am still prepared to defend all the main conclusions of this book， and the answer to this is on the whole affirmative。 The most important qualification I must add is that during the interval of time， terminology has changed and for this reason what I say in the book may be misunderstood。 At the time I wrote socialism meant unambiguously the nationalization of the means of production and the central economic planning which this made possible and necessary。 In this sense Sweden， for instance， is today very much less socialistically organized than Great Britain of Austria， though Sweden is commonly regarded as much more socialistic。 This is due to the fact that socialism has come to mean chiefly the extensive redistribution of incomes through taxation and the institutions of the welfare state。 In the latter kind of socialism the effects I discuss in the book are brought about more slowly， indirectly， and imperfectly。 I believe that the ultimate outcome tends to be very much the same， although the process by which it is brought about is not quite the same as that described in this book。" I won't remark on the pompous off-handedness of this remark because I don't know if he wrote anything in detail regarding his thoughts on this redistributive socialism more fully。 Whatever the case may be， this book laid the pop-intelectual groundwork for the golden age of liberalism and now we have to face the consequences。 。。。more
Gabriel
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ExcelenteBuena edición y traducción de una de las obras más importantes de literatura política。 La presentación agrega datos de utilidad， al igual que los documentos agregados al final。
færd
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A pile of economicist mush。
J Braz
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Um pilar para a definição do pensamento liberal。"Fora da esfera da responsabilidade individual não há nem bem nem mal， não há oportunidade para o mérito moral nem a possibilidade de pormos à prova as nossas convicções sacrificando os nossos desejos ao que julgamos ser correto。 A nossa decisão moral só tem valor quando nós próprios somos responsáveis pelos nossos interesses e livres de os sacrificarmos。 Não temos o direito de ser altruistas à custa de outrem， nem há qualquer mérito em ser-se altr Um pilar para a definição do pensamento liberal。"Fora da esfera da responsabilidade individual não há nem bem nem mal， não há oportunidade para o mérito moral nem a possibilidade de pormos à prova as nossas convicções sacrificando os nossos desejos ao que julgamos ser correto。 A nossa decisão moral só tem valor quando nós próprios somos responsáveis pelos nossos interesses e livres de os sacrificarmos。 Não temos o direito de ser altruistas à custa de outrem， nem há qualquer mérito em ser-se altruista caso não tenhamos outra hipótese。 " 。。。more
Juan Francisco
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Interesantísimo。 Aunque tanto Hayek como Milei digan -palabras más， palabras menos- que cualquier tipo de planificación desde el Estado es la muerte en vida y que el nazismo y el socialismo sonlomesmo， es mil veces más estimulante y agradable reconstruir estos argumentos y entrar al sistema de pensamiento neoliberal con el primero que con el segundo。En principio， por los modos。 Hayek no es un mono cocainómano， se lo nota un tipo muy cordial， que cuando te discute te pone a su altura y habla con Interesantísimo。 Aunque tanto Hayek como Milei digan -palabras más， palabras menos- que cualquier tipo de planificación desde el Estado es la muerte en vida y que el nazismo y el socialismo sonlomesmo， es mil veces más estimulante y agradable reconstruir estos argumentos y entrar al sistema de pensamiento neoliberal con el primero que con el segundo。En principio， por los modos。 Hayek no es un mono cocainómano， se lo nota un tipo muy cordial， que cuando te discute te pone a su altura y habla con una mano en tu hombro， como diciendo "yo esto lo viví， haceme caso"。 Uno puede no coincidir con sus ideas， pero no es fácil discutirle porque ve venir las críticas de todos lados y entiende bien quien es su interlocutor。 Además， y esto puede entenderse mejor por su biografía personal， Camino de servidumbre es un libro profundamente político que despliega una visión de mundo sincera， en la que no se traslucen resentimientos ni segundas intenciones。 Capaz peco de inocente， pero uno le cree y se entrega a esa seguidilla de razonamientos a través de la cual se puede ver un sistema que el autor en serio parece creer que es el mejor posible。Tip facultativo: marida muy bien con las clases del 7 y 14 de febrero de 1979 de Foucault en El nacimiento de la biopolítica， en las que se hace una reconstrucción del pensamiento ordoliberal。 。。。more
Gowtham
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“The control of the production of wealth is the control of human life itself” - Hilaire Bellocஇரண்டாம் உலகப்போர் நடைபெற்ற சமயத்தில் எழுதப்பட்டு 1944 இல் வெளிவந்த நூல் தான் FA Hayek என்னும் Austrian-british தத்துவவியலாளர் எழுதிய “The Road to serfdom”。 இந்நூல் 2008 பொருளாதார நெருக்கடி ஏற்பட்ட சமயத்தில்， மறுபதிப்பு செய்யப்பட்டு அதிக அளவில் வரவேற்பினை பெற்றது என்பது குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது。 பொதுவாகவே நம் அனைவரிடமும் இருக்கும் பொதுப்புத்தி என்னவென்றால்， குழு மனநிலையும்（Collectivism）， சோசலிசம் தான் நமது அ “The control of the production of wealth is the control of human life itself” - Hilaire Bellocஇரண்டாம் உலகப்போர் நடைபெற்ற சமயத்தில் எழுதப்பட்டு 1944 இல் வெளிவந்த நூல் தான் FA Hayek என்னும் Austrian-british தத்துவவியலாளர் எழுதிய “The Road to serfdom”。 இந்நூல் 2008 பொருளாதார நெருக்கடி ஏற்பட்ட சமயத்தில்， மறுபதிப்பு செய்யப்பட்டு அதிக அளவில் வரவேற்பினை பெற்றது என்பது குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது。 பொதுவாகவே நம் அனைவரிடமும் இருக்கும் பொதுப்புத்தி என்னவென்றால்， குழு மனநிலையும்（Collectivism）， சோசலிசம் தான் நமது அனைத்து விதமான சிக்கல்களையும் தீர்க்கபோகிறது என்கிற அபரிமிதமான நம்பிக்கையுமாகும்。 கூட்டுவாதம் மற்றும் தனித்துவம்（collectivism and individualism） என்ற இரண்டு தத்துவங்களும் ஒன்றுக்கொன்று எதிரானவை。 மன்னராட்சியின்（Monarch） பிடியில் இருந்தும்， மதவாத அடிப்படைவாதிகளிடமிருந்தும்（Church） மனிதனை விடுவித்ததில் பிரெஞ்சு புரட்சிக்கு（1789） பெரும்பங்குண்டு。 அது மறுமலர்ச்சி（Renaissance） மற்றும் அறிவொளி（Enlightenment） தத்துவங்களின் காலம்。 சுதந்திரம்（Liberty） என்கிற தத்துவம் கூட்டுவாதத்திற்கும் அடிமைத்தனத்திற்கும் எதிராக நிறுவப்பட்டது。 அதிகாரத்துவத்தின் பிடியில் இருந்து விடுவிக்கப்பட்ட மனிதன் சுயமாக சிந்திக்க தொடங்கி， அதன் பின் தான் அறிவியலும் பிற சிந்தனைகளும் பெரிய அளவில் நவீன வளர்ச்சி அடைய தொடங்கின。 பல்வேறு அரசியல் தத்துவங்கள் புதுப்பொலிவு பெற்றன 。 ஜனநாயகம்（Democracy）， தாராளவாதம்（Liberalization）， போட்டி（competition）， மனநிலை， சுதந்திர வர்த்தகம் （free trade） போன்றவை எல்லாம் சுதந்திர வேட்கையின் வெளிப்பாடு தான்。 இந்த புத்தகத்தில் இவர் வைக்கும் வாதங்கள் எல்லாம் கவனத்தில் கொள்ள வேண்டிய ஒன்றாகும்， சோசியலிச அரசானது எப்படி அனைவரது தேவைகளையும்（Needs）， தேர்வுகளையும்（Choices） தெரிந்துகொண்டு திட்டமிட முடியும்？ அப்படி ஒரு திட்டத்தை（Planning） தீட்டுவதற்கு போதுமான தகவல் அறிவை（Knowledge） திரட்டுவது சாத்தியமா？ எல்லா மனிதனும் ஒரே முடிவை（Ends） நோக்கி செல்கிறன் என்கிற அடிப்படையில் தான் சோசியலிச அரசு திட்டமிடுகிறது， அதற்கான வழிவகைகளையும்（Means） அத்தகைய ஒற்றை முடிவை அடிப்படையாக வைத்து முடிவுசெய்ய படுகிறது。 அனைவருக்குமான திட்டமிடலை ஒரு குழுவோ அல்லது தனி நபரோ எப்படி வகுக்க முடியும்？ நாம் என்ன ஆட்டு மந்தைகளா？ இல்லை பன்றி கூடமா？ மேலும் சோசியலிசத்திற்கும் பாசிசம் மற்றும் நாஜிஸிம் ஆகிய தத்துவங்களுக்கிடையே நிறைய ஒருமைப்பாடு இருக்கிறது， இம்மூன்று தத்துவங்களும் கூட்டுவாழ்க்கையை（Collectivism） அடிப்படையாக கொண்டவை， மையப்படுத்தப்பட்ட பொருளாதார திட்டமிடலை（Centralized planning） முன்னிறுத்துபவை， தேசியவாத சோசியலிசத்தை（National Socialism） அடிப்படையாக கொண்டவை。 உள்ளபடியே சொல்லவேண்டும் என்றால் சோசலிசம் ஒருநாளும் தனிமனித சுதந்திரத்தை எள்ளளவும் பொருட்படுத்தியதில்லை， 1848 இல் ஐரோப்பாவில் நடந்த தொடர் புரட்சிக்கு பிறகு தான் சோசியலிச தத்துவம் சுதந்திரத்தையும் கருத்தில் கொள்ள தொடங்கியது， அதன் பின் உருவானது தன் ஜனநாயக சோசலிசம் போன்ற தத்துவமெல்லாம்。 எல்லா வகையான சோசியலிசமும் சர்வாதிகாரத்தில் சென்று தான் முடியும்。 இத்தாலி மற்றும் ஜெர்மனியில் சோசியலிஸ்டுகள் வளர்த்தெடுத்த கூட்டுத்துவ சிந்தனையின் விளைவு， முசோலினி மற்றும் ஹிட்லர் போன்ற சர்வாதிகாரிகளின் வருகைக்கும்， வளர்ச்சிக்கும் உதவியது。 அவர்களின் திட்டமிடல் கொள்கையோ மையப்படுத்தப்பட்டது。 ஒரு குழுவோ அல்லது நபரோ திட்டமிடும்போது சாதாரணமாகவே சர்வாதிகாரம் தான் தழைத்தோங்கும்。 ஹிட்லரின் வார்த்தையில் சொல்லவேண்டுமென்றால் "தேசியவாத சோசியலிசமும் மார்க்சியமும் வெவ்வேறானவை அல்ல， இரண்டும் ஒன்று தான்"。 புரட்சியின் வழியாக தான் சோசியலிச அரசு அமையும் என்பது நடைமுறை（Practice）， அப்படி இருக்கையில் சிலர் சொல்லும் ஜனநாயக சோசலிசம்（Fabian socialism） என்பது ஒரு கற்பனை（Utopia） தான் என்கிறார் Hayek。 ஜனநாயகம் மற்றும் சோசலிசம் ஆகிய தத்துவங்களுக்கிடையே உள்ள ஒற்றுமை "சமத்துவம்（Equality）" என்பது， சோசலிசம் போதிக்கும் சமத்துவம் என்பது கட்டுப்பாட்டிலும் அடிமைத்தனத்திலும்。 ஜனநாயகம் போதிக்கும் சமத்துவம் சுதந்திரத்தை அடிப்படையாக கொண்டது， இரண்டும் சேர்ந்து இயங்கவியலாது。 ஜனநாயக சோசியலிசம் என்பது சர்வாதிகாரத்துக்கே இட்டுச்செல்லும் என்று கூறுகிறார்。பொருளாதார திட்டமிடல் என்பது திறனற்ற ஒன்றாக தான் முடியும்， தனிமனிதனின் அபிலாசைகளுக்கேற்ப（Aspirations） அவனது பொருளாதார முடிவுகளை அவனே தீர்மானிக்கும் சுதந்திரம் இருக்கும்போது தான் பொருளாதாரமும்/ தனிமனிதனும் ஒருவரை ஒருவர் மேம்படுத்திக்கொள்ள முடியும்。 பொருளாதாரத்தை திட்டமிடுவதற்கு（Planning the economy） பதிலாக， போட்டியை திட்டமிடுவது（Planning the competition） அவசியமாகிறது。 அத்தகைய போட்டிக்கான திட்டமிடல் என்பது Monopolyகளை கட்டுப்படுத்த உதவும்。 பொருளாதார சுதந்திரம் இல்லாத அரசியல் சுதந்திரம் அர்த்தமற்றதாகி போய்விடும்。 அரசு திட்டிமிடல் அதிகமாக இருத்தால்， தனிமனிதனின் திட்டமிடல் பாதிக்கப்படும்， இப்படிப்பட்ட இரண்டுமற்ற தன்மையில் தான் சமகாலத்தில் நாம் பயணித்து வருகிறோம்。 அரசியலும் பொருளாதாரமும் ஒரே நபரால் கையாளப்படுவது தான் இன்றைக்கு பல்வேறு ஜனநாயக நாடுகள்（Especially third world countries ） சந்திக்கும் சிக்கல்களுக்கு முக்கிய காரணமாகும்。 உலகப்போர் சமயத்தில் பேசுபொருளாக இருந்த சர்வதேச அரசு（Supreme International state） பற்றியும் இந்நூல் பேசுகிறது， சர்வேதேச அமைப்பு வழியாக மேற்கொள்ளப்படும் திட்டமிடல் என்பதும் குழப்பத்தில் தான் முடியும்。 முடிந்த அளவு கூட்டாட்சி அமைப்புகள்（Federal states） உருவாக்கப்பட வேண்டும்。அத்தகைய சிறு சிறு அமைப்புகளில் தான் ஜனநாயகம் சிறப்பாக செயல்பட முடியும்， எனவே அதற்கான வழிமுறைகளை நாம் மேற்கொள்ள வேண்டும் என்று கடைசி பகுதியில் முடிக்கிறார்。 ஒரு காலத்தில் கடவுளுக்கு அடிமையாக இருந்தோம்， பின்னர் நிலப்பிரபுக்கள்， அதன் பின் மன்னர்கள்， மாமன்னர்கள்， பேரரசுகள்， சர்வாதிகாரிகள்， என மனிதன் தொடந்து அடிமையாக தான் இருக்கிறான்。 அடிமையாக இருப்பதற்கு அடிப்படை காரணம்， அவன் சார்ந்திருக்கும் அமைப்பு அவனுக்கான திட்டமிடலை செய்கிறது， அவன் விரும்பிய ஒன்றை செய்ய இயலாத போது அவனது சுதந்திர சிந்தனையை எப்படி கண்டெடுப்பான்？நாம் இது போன்ற கேள்விகளை எழுப்புவதேன் மூலமே நமக்கான சரியான அமைப்பை கண்டடைய முடியும்。 இந்த நூல் பேசும் செய்தி என்பது மிக ஆழமானது， அதில் சிறு துளியை மட்டுமே இந்த பதிவில் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளேன்， எவ்வித சித்தாந்தத்தில் நம்பிக்கை கொண்டிருப்பினும் அனைவரும் அவசியம் வாசிக்க வேண்டிய புத்தகம்。 இந்நூலை அன்பளிப்பாக கொடுத்த அக்காக்களுக்கு அன்பும் நன்றியும்。 BOOK: The Road to SerfdomAUTHOR: Friedrich A。 Von Hayek 。。。more
Homa
，
ستاره کمتر دادم بخاطر ترجمه افتضاح
Greg Hickey
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A straightforward argument against a state-planned economy。 Hayek’s position is actually more nuanced than I expected。 He endorses some government interventions， especially during wars and other times of crisis， as long as these measures leave some room for the operation of free markets。 How much room remains an open question， and I would have liked to see more concrete examples to better define Hayek’s position。
Sandra
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One of the more difficult books for me to read。 It read like a dry professor's college lecture。 The information inside is invaluable though and I have to remind myself I'm NOT reading about America in the 21st Century。 We are currently making many of the same mistakes。 “Those who fail to learn from history are doomed to repeat it。” Sir Winston Churchill One of the more difficult books for me to read。 It read like a dry professor's college lecture。 The information inside is invaluable though and I have to remind myself I'm NOT reading about America in the 21st Century。 We are currently making many of the same mistakes。 “Those who fail to learn from history are doomed to repeat it。” Sir Winston Churchill 。。。more
Chee Kiat
，
Tough book for a tough subject！ But highly illuminating！ He lays the foundations from which the great economists Milton Friedman， Thomas Sowell now use for their understanding of socialism， fascism， their similarities， and their threat to individual liberty。 This book is more relevant now than ever！ With so many countries becoming more and more fanatical Nationalists， proponents of bigger and bigger governments， i see larger and larger wars on the horizon， and no way to stop this course。But make Tough book for a tough subject！ But highly illuminating！ He lays the foundations from which the great economists Milton Friedman， Thomas Sowell now use for their understanding of socialism， fascism， their similarities， and their threat to individual liberty。 This book is more relevant now than ever！ With so many countries becoming more and more fanatical Nationalists， proponents of bigger and bigger governments， i see larger and larger wars on the horizon， and no way to stop this course。But make no mistake， we are all on the same road that Nazi Germany was on！ Paradoxically even as we detest Fascism， we are led to the exact same road。 It won't be long now before fanatical nationalism will be a mega trend。In a way， this book is highly philosophical， and underscores the important idea that individual responsibility， and thinking， is the only hope left for mankind。 I hope mankind can survive these incoming challenges， and not turn into a giant Chernobyl。 。。。more
Harry Gardner
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Hayek certainly tries to provoke but the book overall offers an interesting defense of nineteenth century liberalism without being an apologist of capitalist's excesses （e。g。 willing to accept some form of government framing of the economy in workplace safety， healthcare， hours， etc。）。 Hayek definitely defines socialism too broadly （he defines any socialist policy as attempting at central planning）， similar to his understanding of totalitarianism。 Certainly， isn't the hardcore libertarian type o Hayek certainly tries to provoke but the book overall offers an interesting defense of nineteenth century liberalism without being an apologist of capitalist's excesses （e。g。 willing to accept some form of government framing of the economy in workplace safety， healthcare， hours， etc。）。 Hayek definitely defines socialism too broadly （he defines any socialist policy as attempting at central planning）， similar to his understanding of totalitarianism。 Certainly， isn't the hardcore libertarian type one would expect--especially in Chapter 3。 。。。more
Royce Ratterman
，
A great 1944 work which leaves no stone unturned and echoes the historic realities that: "There can be no doubt that the promise of greater freedom has become one of the most effective weapons of socialist propaganda。。。 And to make it quite clear that a socialist government must not allow itself to be too much fettered by democratic procedure。" The leader of the National Socialist German Workers' Party， Adolf Hitler， "did not have to destroy democracy; he merely took advantage of the decay of de A great 1944 work which leaves no stone unturned and echoes the historic realities that: "There can be no doubt that the promise of greater freedom has become one of the most effective weapons of socialist propaganda。。。 And to make it quite clear that a socialist government must not allow itself to be too much fettered by democratic procedure。" The leader of the National Socialist German Workers' Party， Adolf Hitler， "did not have to destroy democracy; he merely took advantage of the decay of democracy and at the critical moment obtained the support of many to whom， though they detested Hitler， he yet seemed the only man strong enough to get things done。"Soon， eight decades will have passed from the writing of this work as humanity continues to traverse this inevitable 'Road to Serfdom' to the destructive future's summit。。。 a future predictable， foretold， desired， and 'well deserved' （as some may be so bold as to say）; for they have ever so willingly climbed the rickety stepladder's rungs of Liberalism， Socialism， Communism， Totalitarianism-Fascism。。。 finding those same ascending masses standing proudly atop the peak of no return; a peak from which there remains no escape in a globally misgoverned world。 "It is not difficult to deprive the great majority of independent thought。 But the minority who will retain an inclination to criticize must also be silenced。""From 1914 onward there arose from the ranks of Marxist socialism one teacher after another who led， not the conservatives and reactionaries， but the hardworking laborer and idealist youth into the National Socialist fold。 It was only thereafter that the tide of nationalist socialism attained major importance and rapidly grew into the Hitlerian doctrine。"Mythical Science， Fantasy-Fiction History， the Public News Propaganda Ministry， Doublethink， Newspeak's implementation。。。 There is nothing new under the sun！The road being paved for global economic collapse leads to its dystopian-future's necessary culmination。。。 the elimination of the world's monetary system（s）。。。 where equality will reign。 Of course， there are always those who consider themselves more equal than others。-Excerpts:"The Road to Serfdom is sober， logical， severe。 It does not make for ingratiating reading。 But the logic is incontestable: 'full employment，' 'social security，' and 'freedom from want' cannot be had unless they come as by-products of a system that releases the free energies of individuals。 When 'society' and the 'good of the whole' and 'the greatest good of the greatest number' are made the overmastering touchstones of state action， no individual can plan his own existence。 For the state 'planners' must arrogate to themselves the right to move in on any sector of the economic system if the good of 'society' or the 'general welfare' is paramount。 If the rights of the individual get in the way， the rights of the individual must go。""With the rise of extremist ideologies in Europe， and the fear that they inspired， liberalism’s association with socialism became increasingly seen as a liability， if not a danger。 FDR-style liberalism and the New Deal， and embarking on 'collectivist experiments' would put countries on the slippery slope to fascism。 The “social liberalism” toward which Britain and America were heading would invariably lead to 'totalitarianism'。”"Yet， although history never quite repeats itself， and just because no development is inevitable， we can in a measure learn from the past to avoid a repetition of the same process。 One need not be a prophet to be aware of impending dangers。 An accidental combination of experience and interest will often reveal events to one man under aspects which few yet see。""The supreme tragedy is still not seen that in Germany it was largely people of good will， men who were admired and held up as models in the democratic countries， who prepared the way for， if they did not actually create， the forces which now stand for everything they detest。。。 Few are ready to recognize that the rise of fascism and naziism was not a reaction against the socialist trends of the preceding period but a necessary outcome of those tendencies。""That socialism has displaced liberalism as the doctrine held by the great majority of progressives does not simply mean that people had forgotten the warnings of the great liberal thinkers of the past about the consequences of collectivism。 It has happened because they were persuaded of the very opposite of what these men had predicted。 The extraordinary thing is that the same socialism that was not only early recognized as the gravest threat to freedom， but quite openly began as a reaction against the liberalism of the French Revolution， gained general acceptance under the flag of liberty。"“Democracy extends the sphere of individual freedom， socialism restricts it。 Democracy attaches all possible value to each man; socialism makes each man a mere agent， a mere number。 Democracy and socialism have nothing in common but one word: equality。 But notice the difference: while democracy seeks equality in liberty， socialism seeks equality in restraint and servitude。。。 That democratic socialism， the great utopia of the last few generations， is not only unachievable， but that to strive for it produces something so utterly different that few of those who now wish it would be prepared to accept the consequences。”"Where the precise effects of government policy on particular people are known， where the government aims directly at such particular effects， it cannot help knowing these effects， and therefore it cannot be impartial。 It must， of necessity， take sides， impose its valuations upon people and， instead of assisting them in the advancement of their own ends， choose the ends for them。。。 The state ceases to be a piece of utilitarian machinery intended to help individuals in the fullest development of their individual personality and becomes a “moral” institution—where “moral” is not used in contrast to immoral but describes an institution which imposes on its members its views on all moral questions， whether these views be moral or highly immoral。""It is no accident that in the totalitarian countries， be it Russia or Germany or Italy， the question of how to organize the people’s leisure has become a problem of planning。 The Germans have even invented for this problem the horrible and self-contradictory name of Freizeitgestaltung （literally: the shaping of the use made of the people’s free time）， as if it were still “free time” when it has to be spent in the way ordained by authority。。。 The usages of the new political movements which pervaded all aspects of life had。。。 already been introduced by the socialists。 The idea of a political party which embraces all activities of the individual from the cradle to the grave， which claims to guide his views on everything， and which delights in making all problems questions of party was first put into practice by the socialists。。。 That socialism can be put into practice only by methods which most socialists disapprove is， of course， a lesson learned by many social reformers in the past。""But while this is a truth of which we must never lose sight， nothing is more fatal than the present fashion among intellectual leaders of extolling security at the expense of freedom。 It is essential that we should re-learn frankly to face the fact that freedom can be had only at a price and that as individuals we must be prepared to make severe material sacrifices to preserve our liberty。 If we want to retain this， we must regain the conviction on which the rule of liberty in the Anglo-Saxon countries has been based and which Benjamin Franklin expressed in a phrase applicable to us in our lives as individuals no less than as nations: 'Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety。'”"It is one of the saddest spectacles of our time to see a great democratic movement support a policy which must lead to the destruction of democracy， and which meanwhile can benefit only a minority of the masses who support it。 Yet it is this support from the Left of the tendencies toward monopoly which make them so irresistible and the prospects of the future so dark。。。 This becomes more and more clearly expressed as socialism approaches totalitarianism， and in England is most explicitly stated in the program of that latest and most totalitarian form of English socialism。""If we are to succeed in the war of ideologies and to win over the decent elements in the enemy countries， we must， first of all， regain the belief in the traditional values for which we have stood in the past and must have the moral courage stoutly to defend the ideals which our enemies attack。"*** Other works that may be of interest to you:-The Origins of Totalitarianism， by Hannah Arendt （1949） -The Axis Grand Strategy: Blueprints for the Total War， Ladislas Farago-The Great Terror: Stalin’s Purge of the Thirties， by Robert Conquest-The Prince by Niccolò Machiavelli-Mafia Democracy: What Happens When the Government Turns Thug， by Michael Franzese"Mass propaganda discovered that its audience was ready at all times to believe the worst， no matter how absurd， and did not particularly object to being deceived because it held every statement to be a lie anyhow。 The totalitarian mass leaders based their propaganda on the correct psychological assumption that， under such conditions， one could make people believe the most fantastic statements one day， and trust that if the next day they were given irrefutable proof of their falsehood， they would take refuge in the cynicism; instead of deserting the leaders who had lied to them， they would admire the leaders for their superior tactical cleverness。" -The Origins of Totalitarianism （1949） by Hannah Arendt"World politics is for a nation what megalomania is for an individual。" Eugen Richter （30 July 1838 - 10 March 1906） - Germany's Progressive Party 。。。more
Nick Quenga
，
Listened to the audio and want to get a paper copy to annotate and tab out。 Still relevant today。 Not an easy first book to try to understand without some background in political theory and WWI-WWII European relationships for context。 There were many more great points that I cannot remember off the top of my head。Any planned economy will not find the best way for people to live。 A competitive system allows people to do what is best for them with their skills and resources。 Planned economic or po Listened to the audio and want to get a paper copy to annotate and tab out。 Still relevant today。 Not an easy first book to try to understand without some background in political theory and WWI-WWII European relationships for context。 There were many more great points that I cannot remember off the top of my head。Any planned economy will not find the best way for people to live。 A competitive system allows people to do what is best for them with their skills and resources。 Planned economic or political systems are base don the assumption that there is an ideal for every person and that some people （the planners） can know it。 However， a free/liberal system allows people to determine their own value for things in what they are willing to trade or sacrifice for them。Establishing a minimum standard for everyone is feasible and even laudable， but that cannot be done while also maintaining a secured higher standard for certain classes of people。 Minimum wage also stops people， either local or foreign， from working with their abilities and values to achieve the best they can。There is no way a planned economic system cannot spread into or be born out of political control。 When economic ventures are instead valued for their political merits they will not stand on their own values and the system will collapse eventually。 Any system for controlling the economy is based on a rule of law can change the laws to support the greater goal。 In these systems totalitarianism is the only possible outcome。International governance is a dream， and federalism is the only way it will work。 It is folly to believe that an international body that does not have the power to back up it's regulations will get anything done。 It is also absurd to think that groups of people will change their behavior and governance just by being put in charge of more people。 。。。more
Oriolgarcía
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Brillante exposición de los años venideros en Europa， un hombre que se adelantó a la Comunidad Económica Europea y así mismo a las Naciones Unidas en 1945。 El libro aborda， en pleno año 1944， los problemas de dejar que la planificación desborde económicamente a todas las unidades económicas （familias， empresas y Estado）。 Explica de dónde surgió las vertientes más radicales y totalitarias del socialismo - el nazismo y el fascismo - ideas que fueron cociéndose a fuego lento ya a finales del 1919， Brillante exposición de los años venideros en Europa， un hombre que se adelantó a la Comunidad Económica Europea y así mismo a las Naciones Unidas en 1945。 El libro aborda， en pleno año 1944， los problemas de dejar que la planificación desborde económicamente a todas las unidades económicas （familias， empresas y Estado）。 Explica de dónde surgió las vertientes más radicales y totalitarias del socialismo - el nazismo y el fascismo - ideas que fueron cociéndose a fuego lento ya a finales del 1919， por parte del economista Werner Sombart。 Relata y trata de justificar con todo detalle por qué el socialismo se ha adueñado del corazón de muchas personas， con la quimérica esperanza de obtener una vida mejor， fruto de la irrupción de la Revolución Industrial， que aportó una visión del mundo diferente。Un libro que aborda todas las facetas de la sociedad; libertad， seguridad， dominación， poder， economía， planificación， cooperación con el exterior， los orígenes de las políticas en cuestión…Un hombre que defiende， sin miramientos， la competencia por encima de la planificación， y la libertad por la seguridad， como trataba de justificar Hobbes a través de la figura del Leviatán。Merece un exhaustivo estudio y análisis， es una obra política como bien dice el autor， y fuera de lugar en su época。 。。。more
Patrick
，
somewhat scary how fragile democracy can be
Yegane
，
حیف این کتاب با همچی ترجمه داغونی:"）） حیف این کتاب با همچی ترجمه داغونی:"）） 。。。more
Dan Zwirn
，
A work of genius。 It is possible that this book has not been as applicable or as useful to the world since its original publishing in 1944 as it is today。
Ben Peyton
，
This was a tough read in parts but I think there are parts of it that are really good。 I'm pretty certain I had to read some Hayek in college but I don't think it was anything from The Road to Serfdom。 Overall， I thought this was a good book。 A lot of it covers the rise of socialism in Germany before WWI and WWII and tries to connect the threads between that and the rise of National Socialism before WWII。 Hayek was concerned that the left in England was trending towards socialism similar to the This was a tough read in parts but I think there are parts of it that are really good。 I'm pretty certain I had to read some Hayek in college but I don't think it was anything from The Road to Serfdom。 Overall， I thought this was a good book。 A lot of it covers the rise of socialism in Germany before WWI and WWII and tries to connect the threads between that and the rise of National Socialism before WWII。 Hayek was concerned that the left in England was trending towards socialism similar to the way they did in Germany prior to WWI。In addition， Hayek makes a lot of detailed arguments about the features of Socialism generally。 Hayek argues that socialism is inherently undemocratic， is less efficient than a free market， and eventually leads to totalitarianism。 I think， generally， I pretty much agree。 I don't think this means that any sort of government involvement in the economy is the same as a socialist planned economy and leads to totalitarianism。 In fact， Hayek is pretty accommodating to the role the government needs to play in a modern society。 He states clearly that he isn't saying the government has zero roles to play。 There are clear policy issues that the government needs to take part in and offer up solutions because they are in the best position to do so。 I was surprised by this because the impression everyone gets of Hayek is that he is a knuckle-dragging free-market thinker who doesn't believe the government should be involved in anything。 That is clearly now the case。 But， I will say， his strongest arguments are when he is talking specifically about socialism in Germany and the role it played in allowing the Nazis to come to power。 As opposed to his more general arguments against socialism。I would recommend this book to someone who is interested in getting Hayek's views straight from the source instead of relying upon the caricature of him in the public's mind。 It wasn't the most thrilling read in the world but it was still very interesting。 。。。more
Shane Allen
，
It never ceases to amaze me how classic writers like Hayek， Solzhenitsyn， Orwell， and Huxley have thoroughly called the bluff on the left’s deceptive grifters nearly 80 YEARS AGO！！！！ And now that socialism in all its forms is no longer some untried abstract theory but thoroughly tried to the detriment of over 100 million， these hustlers and their ignorant followers still push this evil！！ Clearly this lust for power disguised as justice or even charity is unquenchable！！
meikkon_
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Overall， I was left a bit disappointed by this book。 Hayek is a Nobel Prize winning economist and his intellectual challenges during the move towards Keynesian economics were very important。 However， this is perhaps the key flaw with this book to begin with - Hayek is an economist， not a historian， and not necessarily a political scientist either。 While his discussion of political economy is incredibly insightful， his attempt to tie his discussion into some sort of historical analysis is weak。Th Overall， I was left a bit disappointed by this book。 Hayek is a Nobel Prize winning economist and his intellectual challenges during the move towards Keynesian economics were very important。 However， this is perhaps the key flaw with this book to begin with - Hayek is an economist， not a historian， and not necessarily a political scientist either。 While his discussion of political economy is incredibly insightful， his attempt to tie his discussion into some sort of historical analysis is weak。This book is worth reading if you want to learn more about Hayek， given that he is frequently misrepresented in media and in education on the whole。 Some of his actual beliefs and ideals may surprise you。 He is not the ultimate libertarian as many make him out to be， and he spends time defending the democratic status quo alongside schemes to ensure basic economic security and the general welfare of society。 What Hayek takes issue with is economic planning within a society。 After having defended "the abandoned road" of liberalism in the first chapter， Hayek is very clear - he is opposed to the continuation and suggestion of economic planning in Britain and in other European countries， under the firm belief that a） this will create an ineffective economic order， and b） will greatly threaten the freedom of the continent that has just been fought for。 This message we should heed， and is one he is right to make。 I have already， and am likely to continue， to point socialists to the first few chapters of this book， as many of the socialist doctrines I have come across do lead to clear supply side issues or run obvious contradictions with personal freedom which will necessitate planning of some form。Sadly， though， Chapter 3 is also where the confusion begins。 Hayek is keen to synonymise economic planning with socialism in it's entirety， even though socialism as an intellectual tradition is incredibly broad。 Not all of its iterations involve totalitarian scale economic planning， or even any planning at all， even if many do necessitate some sort of coercion。 To give a simple example， worker ownership of the means of production in the form of worker co-operatives across an entire society would be a form of socialism。 While this would likely necessitate some form of coercion to remove the original （likely private） owners of the means of production， it would not necessarily instigate any economic planning from the state。 Hayek takes aim at a poorly defined， non-specific form of socialism， and demonises it to the point of total conceptual murkiness。Aside from this， there are other nitpicks I have with this book。 Hayek's strange obsession with Lord Acton definitely begins to wear thin after a while， as does his later reliance on other authors and quotes for his historical analysis。 He uses about 15 quotes from other writers in Chapter 12 to make his points - these quotes usually being paragraph length - rather than attempting to embed these ideas in his own writing， which would have been more concise and interesting。 。。。more
Galicius
，
This 2007 edition is loaded with five Introductions， Prefaces， and Forwards。 The text starts on page 57 with the author’s Introduction to page 65 where we finally get Chapter One。 If you omit them all before reading the text you will be soon disoriented about the author’s intended audience or years he wrote it。 It is helpful to know to read at least the author’s “Forward to the 1956 American Paperback Edition。” （pp。 39-52） to orient yourself。Chapter Ten: “Why the Worst Get on Top？”“There are thr This 2007 edition is loaded with five Introductions， Prefaces， and Forwards。 The text starts on page 57 with the author’s Introduction to page 65 where we finally get Chapter One。 If you omit them all before reading the text you will be soon disoriented about the author’s intended audience or years he wrote it。 It is helpful to know to read at least the author’s “Forward to the 1956 American Paperback Edition。” （pp。 39-52） to orient yourself。Chapter Ten: “Why the Worst Get on Top？”“There are three main reasons why such a numerous and strong group 。 。 。is not likely to be formed by the best but by the worst elements of any society 。 。 。the principles on which such a group would be selected will be almost entirely negative 。 。 。the higher the education and intelligence the more their views and tastes are differentiated and the less likely they are to agree on a particular hierarchy of values 。 。 。we have to descend to the regions of lower moral and intellectual standards where the more primitive and ‘common’ instincts and tastes prevail。 。 。the second negative principle of selection: he will be able to obtain the support of the docile and gullible， who have no strong convictions of their own but are prepared to accept a ready-made system of values if it is only drummed into their ears sufficiently loudly and frequently。。 。 。the third and perhaps the most important element of selection 。 。 。it is easier for people to agree on a negative program—on the hatred of an enemy or the envy of those better off—than on any positive task。” （pp。 160-161）Chapter Twelve: "Socialist Roots of Nazism"Hayek shows that a groundwork for Hitler and the Nazis was well prepared in Germany long before， even back in time before Marx。 Germans heard calls to patriotism yet during Napoleon’s time。 Hayek documents this with more than a dozen names of conservative revolutionaries， economists， government ministers， industrialist， intellectual leaders， journalists， nationalist historians， pamphleteers， philosophers， political authors， leaders， and thinkers， politicians， scientists， sociologists。 The frequent putting of the blame for the worst war in history on Hitler and the Nazis alone is nonsense。But mashing together all such diverse theorizing over a couple of centuries and drawing conclusions from it--which Hayek does throughout this book--is mind-boggling not only to the reader and makes me wonder how it sat with the author Hayek。Chapter Thirteen “The Totalitarians in Our Midst”Here Hayek is concerned with politics in Great Britain and what will come after WWII ends。 We are rather removed in the 21st Century from those years。 Chapter Fourteen “Material Conditions and Ideal End” continues with these issues。 My copy was published in 2007 and he is writing in 1944。 Hayek keeps up his concern about the threats to resuming “rapid economic progress” and “a very changed world removed at one stroke of most of the wartime restrictions。” （p。 215）The concluding chapter “The Prospects of International Order” does correctly predict what will happen if Europe united economically:“It is significant that the most passionate advocates of a centrally directed economic New Order for Europe should display 。 。 。the most complete disregard of the individuality and the rights of small nations。” （p。 231） It is exactly what is happening in 2021 with the dominant EU countries threatening small members economically。 They are dictating to them on internal legal affairs and social issues。 What Federalism？ But there is much more in the present state of affairs in Germany and Europe that like a black swan Hayek did not anticipate in his calculations for the future of Europe and the US from his point in time。 。。。more
Pavlogreen
，
El liberalismo es probablemente la ideología que más me ha influido。 No porque sea liberal （que no lo soy）， sino porque gran parte de mi trayectoria ideológica （sobre todo desde los dos últimos años） y de mis respuestas a preguntas políticas han estado marcadas por este pensamiento。 Por ello Hayek， que es uno de los grandes liberales del siglo XX está llamado a ser uno de los autores políticos que más me influyan， al menos en el corto plazo。 Camino de servidumbre es un gran libro， no solo por su El liberalismo es probablemente la ideología que más me ha influido。 No porque sea liberal （que no lo soy）， sino porque gran parte de mi trayectoria ideológica （sobre todo desde los dos últimos años） y de mis respuestas a preguntas políticas han estado marcadas por este pensamiento。 Por ello Hayek， que es uno de los grandes liberales del siglo XX está llamado a ser uno de los autores políticos que más me influyan， al menos en el corto plazo。 Camino de servidumbre es un gran libro， no solo por su influencia sino por la cantidad de temasque aborda y cómo los aborda。 No estoy de acuerdo con la mezcolanza entre fascismo， nazismo， estalinismo y si me apuras hasta socialdemocracia que él considera parte de la misma ideología totalitaria， pues un análisis detallado de cada régimen demuestra las distancias entre unos y otros y un vistazo a la historia evidencia que no todos los liberales fueron tan críticos con los fascismos。 Aun así， concuerdo con él en su advertencia contra el credo estadólatra que ve al gobierno como la panacea y solución a nuestros grandes problemas。 Asimismo， cabe destacar que muchos de los argumentos que hoy esgrimen los liberales están contenidos en este libro， por lo que es una buena forma de penetrar en y entender la mente colmena liberal。 。。。more
Cameron
，
Probably the best dedication I've ever seen:"To the socialists of all parties" Probably the best dedication I've ever seen:"To the socialists of all parties" 。。。more
Reference
google book https://www.google.com/search?tbm=bks&q=The Road to Serfdom
hathitrust digital library https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/ls?q1=The Road to Serfdom&field1=ocr&a=srchls&ft=ft&lmt=ft
The British Library https://bll01.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/discovery/search?query=any,contains,The Road to Serfdom&tab=LibraryCatalog&search_scope=Not_BL_Suppress&vid=44BL_INST:BLL01&lang=en&offset=0